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nderstanding
how modern historians assume (with qualifications) the rational direction
of political rhetoric and rituals in Early America will create the contrast
needed for analyzing the passion and violence of the Baltimore Riot. Saul
Cornell's work, The Other Founders: Anti-Federalism and the Dissenting
Tradition in America, 1788-1828, relies upon the public sphere to situate
his diverse Anti-Federalists. Though existing on different class levels,
anti-Federalists joined voices, print, and rituals within the public sphere
in an effort to challenge Federalists “control” of the political
sphere. Cornell focuses on various “texts” utilized by the anti-federalists
in an effort to voice their ideas in the developing political sphere. These
texts range from being part of the belles-lettre culture among
the elite even to a riot of the plebian class. For Cornell, the outcome
of the anti—Federalist challenges within the public sphere is the
slow emergence of the rational idea of legitimate dissent within government.
The public sphere of the Early Republic, served as a realm where ideas could
be debated and differences resolved or at least respected.
Rituals and the Public Sphere
A more ritual-centered discourse between the public and the politic emerges
in David Waldstreicher's In the Midst of Perpetual Fetes: The
Making of Nationalism, 1776-1820 and Joanne Freeman's Affairs
of Honor. Introducing the aims of his study, Waldstreicher argues
that the nationalistic rituals, which grew up in the Early Republic were
part of a larger cultural dialogue within the public sphere. Of further
importance to his study is the realm of print, from which “celebrants
of the nation took their cues.”1 Arguing for the “mutual
dependence of rationality and ritual,” the public sphere emerges
as that dominant institution influencing and slowly expanding political
definitions.2 While expanding
Habermas's strict definition of rational discourse to allow for rowdy
celebrations and contentious barbecues, his thesis rests upon a public
sphere where nationalism was purposefully and rationally forged.
While Freeman's focus on duels may appear
to contradict this idea of the emergence of a rational discourse, she
shows that the dueling culture was far from irrational. Surrounded by
a strict code, dueling affairs were public acts that sent very specific
messages. Deep into the nineteenth century, dueling was an established
means of dealing with affronts whether they came from those involved in
politics or those involved in society—such as printers. Supported
by the attitude that preserving one's reputation kept government pure
from those with baser desires, dueling brought the private and the public
together to resolve disagreements in a “rational” manner—as
the public sphere was intended to do. Whether in rituals or rhetoric,
America' s public sphere represented a rational arena where public
opinion and influence was forged.
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Printers and the Public Sphere
More directly related to the issues of the Baltimore Riot of 1812 is Jeffrey
Pasley's Tyranny of Printers. Here newspapers—specifically
Democratic-Republican papers intent upon defeating Federalism—create
a rational discourse that forged public opinion and changed political
influences. Central to Pasley's argument is an army of middling printers
who established countless presses across America. Willing to put their
financial and personal future on the line, these men printed their way
to a huge transfer in power from Federalist to Democratic-Republican.
And so a theme emerges describing the Revolution and Early Republic as
periods centered around and relying upon rational discourse.
The Public Sphere as Rational?
Though this discourse involved rituals and protests, riots and polemicists,
it nevertheless is envisioned as rational. Habermas's public sphere
framework as utilized in American historiography broadly summarizes the
American tradition as “rational freedom from illegitimate
coercion.”3 While
this framework may well describe certain situations, it also leaves a
host out. Hanson' s paper and the Baltimore Riot, reveal the existence
of paranoia and passion, hysteria and irrationality within the public
sphere. Rather than seeing this as isolated event—a hiccup within
an otherwise orderly society—the Baltimore Riot bleeds into other
upheavals, events, which worked against rational discourse and demanded
consensus through illegitimate coercion.
By understanding this strain of paranoia
and irrationality in the Early Republic, the irrationality of actions
during the Antebellum period such as Elijah Lovejoy' s death,4 the Charleston
Mail crisis,5 and race riots
that rocked Northern and Southern cities becomes much more understandable.
Though an isolated event the summer of 1812, the Baltimore Riot helps
explain future Antebellum violence and irrational crowd action. It also
reveals the real limitations of understanding the Early Republic as a
society dominated by a public sphere of rational discourse.
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1 David Waldstreicher,
In the Midst of Perpetual Fetes: The Making of American Nationalism,
1776-1820 (Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina, 1997), 11. 2 Waldstreicher, In
the Midst of Perpetual Fetes, 219.
3 John Brooke, “Reason
and Passion in the Public Sphere: Habermas and the Cultural Historian,”
Journal of Interdisciplinary History, XXIX:I (Summer, 1998),
65.
4 Elijah Lovejoy was
an abolitionist printer who was murdered on November
7, 1837 in
Alton, Illinois by an angry pro-slavery
mob.
5 The Charleston mail
crisis occurred in August 1835 when an angry mob of pro-slavery rioters
confiscated abolitionist mail and burned it. From this period till the
Civil War there was covert agreement from the United States Postmaster
that abolitionist literature should be kept out of the mail.
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